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THE CHURCH OF CENTRAL AFRICA, PRESBYTERIAN GENERAL SYNOD SUBJECT: SOME WORRISOME TRENDS, WHICH UNDERMINE THE NURTURING OF OUR YOUNG DEMOCRATIC CULTURE “Some time later many of the people, both men and
women, began to complain against their fellow-Jews. Others said, ‘We have had
to mortgage our fields and vineyards and houses to get enough corn to keep us
from starving.’ We are the same race as our fellow Jews. Aren’t our children as
good as theirs? We are helpless because our fields and vineyards have been
taken away from us…When I heard their complaints, I denounced the leaders and
officials of the people and told them,’ you are oppressing your brother!”
(Nehemiah 5:1-7, TEV) “Some day there will be a king who rules with
integrity, and national leaders who govern with justice. Their eyes and ears
will be open to the needs of the people…they will act with understanding and
will say what they mean.” (Isaiah 32:1-5, TEV) Introduction We the Moderator and Senior Clerk of the General
Synod of the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian in conjunction with the
Moderators and General Secretaries of the Synods of Blantyre,
Livingstonia and Nkhoma would like to express our deep concern about some
current developments, which are seriously jeopardising the development of a
democratic culture in our country. This concern of ours is rooted in a genuine
patriotism characterized by a Christian love for the people of Malawi. We are
fearful that if these trends are not arrested now, Malawians may stand to lose
the achievements gained so far since 1993. Our main concerns are in two areas: political
and socio-economic. 1.0.
Political Concerns 1.1 On
proposed and projected constitutional amendments. We feel concerned about moves that are being taken
to amend the constitution of Malawi, (the Supreme Law of the
Land) as put in place during 1994/95, in the short-term interest of those
currently in power. The following are some of the amendments that are
being proposed or only talked about informally: The amendment to abolish the Senate or second house
of Parliament (already passed by parliament) The amendment to bring non-Governmental
Organisations (NGOs) under greater governmental control than has been the case
so far (already passed by parliament) The proposal to allow the current State President to
run for a third term (over and above the two terms of office
provided for in the Constitution as it now stands). The proposal to equip the State President with the
power to appoint up to 20 members of parliament (MPs) as is the case in
neighbouring Zimbabwe In raising concern about these proposed and
projected constitutional amendments, we feel there is a need for us as a
nation to build not just for today but also for tomorrow. We are especially
concerned that the proposed amendments
are, in the main, directed at extending the rights of those in power rather
than those of the people (who should be the ultimate beneficiaries of any
genuine democratic dispensation). Our view is that any constitutional amendments we
undertake at this juncture in our development as a nation should
reflect and incorporate the following fundamental principles, on the basis
of which the actions we undertake today are likely to be judged in
future. In other words, we would feel uneasy about constitutional amendments
which ignore these principles. 1.1.1.
Those in power today have a God-given opportunity. Those that are in power today should see themselves
as having an enormous responsibility that of leading or guiding
this nation into the new, democratic dispensation. This involves setting
the example, by playing the game of power and its rewards according
to rules that have been agreed upon and laid down. It also means that
those in power should see themselves as faithful stewards of the democratic
codes and traditions by which we choose to live at the time of
democratic transition in the country. All this calls for
discipline and self-restraint among our leaders. They cannot be free to change
or manipulate the rules for their own benefit or the benefit of those close to
them. 1.1.2 The challenge to lead and educate Since democracy is still a new baby in our country
it is still in desperate need of nurturing and consolidation. What
is required to achieve this, among other things, is intensified
civic education on the vision and essence of this new political
dispensation. The rules and expectations of life in a democratic
society, including how best to discharge one’s civic responsibilities
need to be explained and reinforced. Changing the rules every
now and then, in the interest of overriding momentary
frustrations, can only confuse rather than enhance ordinary people’s
understanding of our democracy and the way it is developing. In this regard, we
feel it is a bit premature to amend provisions of the constitution before their
workings have been explained to the people whose interests the constitution is
meant to serve. 1.1.3 The need to keep doors of opportunity open to
everyone Those in power command enormous resources and
opportunities, in trust or on behalf of the nation at large. They should
never see themselves as being
indispensable, and the opportunities with which they are surrounded as being
for themselves and their staunch supporters only. On the contrary, they should
keep the doors of opportunity open for themselves as well as for other
aspirants. In this, it should always be borne in mind that in a democracy there are no permanent winners just as there are no
permanent losers. This means that the
winners of today should also learn to
prepare for the day they will be losers. They should resist the temptation to
make things difficult for others, because that same situation might apply to
them one day. 1.1.4 The question of integrity Whether we are called to a station of leadership or
ordinary citizenship in life, it is expected that we should conduct ourselves as men and women of integrity. Others should expect
us to live up to the principles for which we have fought hard to reduce the
powers of the executive branch of the government and in the process widens people’s
rights, choices and opportunities. What they stood for was clearly articulated
in the party manifesto they produced in 1993. They stood for sound,
people-oriented principles. We therefore do not understand why those principles
should now be negated or watered down in favour of narrower interests. In summary we want to say that the constitution as
it stands embodies many of the changes for which our people voted in 1994. It
is not a perfect document but one, which is capable of meeting the interests of
the nation at its present stage of development if faithfully implemented. What
is required is to give it a trial run period of say more than ten years, and
then subject it to a comprehensive review by a nationally representative review
commission. Only then would it be possible to convince the majority that
proposals to amend the constitution are being tendered in good faith. In the light of the forgoing we would like to
express our opinion on at least three issues. The proposal to allow the current State President to
run for a third term Let us be reminded that in the Proposals for the
Republic Constitution of Malawi, which were presented to Parliament by the then
Prime Minister, Dr H.K. Banda, in 1965 the issue was discussed and it was
maintained that “the basic principle is
again simple namely that the president should hold office as long as he enjoys
the support of the majority of the people. Both the President and Parliament
would be elected for a term of five years, but in the case of the President he
would continue to hold office from term to term, unless and until he failed
after a parliamentary dissolution to gain re-election by the people at the
subsequent general election.” We know that in 1966 Malawi became a Republic with a Republican Constitution.
However five years later Malawi had a Life President. Malawians learnt a bitter
lesson during the term of Dr H.K. Banda as Life President. In the light of that experience Malawians decided to
have the current constitution which limits the term of office of the President
to two five-year consecutive terms. There may be advantages of the third term
such as ability to maintain a good leader rather than lose him on
constitutional technicality, or an assurance of stability and continuity.
However there are these disadvantages: i. In Africa
it tends to lead to autocratic rule In Africa examples of autocratic rule as a result of
overstaying in the Presidential seat are too numerous to mention.
We mean here autocratic democratic Governments not the known dictatorships. On
the other hand there are excellent democratic Governments who have overstayed
such as Masire who overstayed as President of Botswana. But it is rare in
Africa. ii. Dr Muluzi may lose the international reputation
he has built Dr Muluzi is highly respected by the international
community as one of the greatest champions of democracy in Africa
in the company of Mandela to an extent that he has received honorary degrees.
This is due to his human rights record and institutionalization of democratic
institutions and systems one of which is the restriction against third term.
Removing the restriction to suit an individual will take Muluzi from the top
down to the bottom of the democratic ladder. The question will be how could
such a great champion of democracy destroy the very democratic institutions
that propelled him to the top of the democratic ladder in the eyes of the
international community? iii. Malawi may lose reputation as a shining example
of democracy in Africa For the same reasons advanced above Malawi’s
reputation as a role model for democracy in Africa will be greatly tarnished as
Namibia’s has. The advantage Namibia has
however is that they have a very strong economy. We do not have that advantage.
We still depend heavily on the international donor community. In fact our
democratic system is almost the only asset we have to attract donor money and
foreign investment. Destroying that asset means economic strangulation
for the country with disastrous consequences. i. Every
person has a blind spot Some changes bring excellent results. For example
the change of 1994 to the UDF Government brought in excellent
changes for the benefit of Malawians
particularly in the human rights field. However, the UDF leadership has
its weak areas (blind spots). Thus maintaining the same leadership will mean a
perpetuation of the weak areas. Therefore another change now may bring in other
excellent changes in another field like the economy. ii. Personality cult syndrome is dangerous If the Constitution is changed to suit an
individual, that individual might start feeling that he is indispensable and
that Malawi can not do without him and start building an air of super human
status around him. The whole system may start revolving around that personality
cult. This is a metamorphosis Kamuzu went through from a champion of the
independence struggle in Africa to a cult figure in Malawi. The trouble is that
it is the few close supporters of the incumbent (who benefit from the presidency personally) who build
that cult figure and hero worship. Malawi should avoid a repeat of that
scenario. iii. Constitutions should generally not be changed
to suit an individual Constitutions are there for today as well as
posterity. Constitutions do not serve an individual. Hence an individual’s
personal circumstances are irrelevant
to the Constitution. In the same vein a Constitution should not be amended to
suit a particular individual. If the restriction is removed shall it be
reinstated when Dr Muluzi goes? Personalizing a serious national instrument
like a Constitution is wrong in principle. Malawians voted for the restriction
only 6 years ago and have people’s feelings on the matter changed in just 6
years? iv. Other leaders from the UDF will be denied a chance There are leaders in the same UDF party who would
like to have a go at the Presidency but will be denied the chance. They may not
show it now because of fear of recrimination in the party but they have those
ambitions. Hence third term will frustrate their ambitions. We will start
believing again that only Dr Muluzi can rule this country, which is not true. It
was the same in Kamuzu’s time. Nobody thought Dr Muluzi could rule this
country. In any case it is said that a good leader is one that prepares his
close followers to succeed him. Mandela stands out as a shining example of
this. But instead of preparing a successor, the removal of the restriction will
be entrenching the same individual. We are of the strong opinion that the disadvantages
outweigh any advantages. The proposal to equip the State President with the
power to appoint up to 20 members of parliament Again let us be reminded here that in the “Proposals
for the Republican Constitution of Malawi” already referred to above the issue
was discussed and it was agreed that
“the Constitution should provide for
the President to be able in his discretion to nominate not less than
three nor more than five members of Parliament without constituency election or
representation to represent particular minority or special interests in the
country.” The number of five was later increased to 20. Later this was amended
further and President could appoint an unlimited number. Malawians have not forgotten how
that provision used to be abused during the past regime. It used to happen that
a parliamentary candidate who was rejected by the electorate in a general
election would all the same find his way into parliament as a nominated member
of parliament (to the disappointment of Malawians). We do not want to go back
to that hated system, do we? Furthermore one wonders at the logic behind this
proposal. Nominated members of Parliament are not very different from members
of Senate. Nominated MPs will have salaries just like senators; nominated
MPs will be without constituency or
representation just like senators. In this respect one wonders why the
provision of a senate in our current constitution was deemed unnecessary.
Surely it was not on financial grounds, otherwise where will the money come
from to pay nominated members of parliament? The only justification for
scrapping the provision for was political because senate was given power to
“debate any issue on its own motion, initiate Private Member’s bills and vote motions in respect of any matters including
motion to indict or convict the President or Vice President by impeachment.” On
the other hand equipping the State President with power to appoint up to 20 MPs
will mean introducing Presidential “supporters” into parliament (House of
Representatives) thereby giving power to the President to increase his party’s
majority in parliament through the back door. This will frustrate people’s
democratic choice. We want to say in very strong terms that we
disapprove of this proposal. Definition of “electorate” and its repercussions The Supreme Court in the case of Gwanda Chakuamba
and others vs. the Electoral Commission interpreted “Electorate” as
representing voters who actually cast their votes and does not include those
who did not vote. This is the law as interpreted in the above case. The
repercussions of this law however, were reflected in the local Government
elections held on 21st November, 2000. Some councilors cannot be said to enjoy
the support of the majority of the registered voters. Surely democracy is
understood as government by the people and of the people. If councilors are
elected on as slim an electoral base as this, one gets worried about the future
of democracy in Malawi. In view of this we would like to request parliament to consider amending this
law and empower the Electoral Commission in future to declare null and void any
election exercise whereby the number of registered voters who do not vote is
50% or above. 1.2 The question of leadership It is a well known fact that the success or failure
of organised group effort be it
organisational, community or national level to achieve pre-determined goals is
to a large extent attributed to leadership. Effective leadership at national
level is a collective endeavour, and no wonder we have committees and the
cabinet including various advisers to the president. It is to the Presidential
advisors that we are concerned. While
we appreciate the mandate of the President to appoint his advisers in different
spheres of national life – economic, social, legal, political etc – the
credentials and competence of some of these leaves a lot to be desired. The
contribution of these Ministers and advisors to national goals depends on their
calibre. We appeal to the President for the sake of the integrity of the institution of Government to take
particular care in selecting his team of Ministers and advisors. These should be people with high standards and
credentials and without moral turpitude and of high integrity and corrupt free
with high conceptual abilities to analyze implications for purposes of giving
sound advice. Failure to do this
results in appointing Ministers and advisers whose advice is aimed at
destroying what are seen as threats to their survival and the advice is mostly
bent on satisfying self perpetuation and aggrandizement and not in the interest of national development. Are we surprised
with so much voter apathy experienced in the last local government election?
Surely there are sufficient indicators to show the extent the rural masses have
realised the fallacy of voting for leadership which will perpetuate its own
interest and that of its “close supporters” at the expense of national
socio-economic and political development. Malawians are tired of people put in
offices who bring in unprincipled personal agenda and selfishness in the
governance system. Why should a few individuals continue to manipulate
national principles and agenda for their own selfish motives? When shall the
voter ever enjoy the fruits of his vote? We would like to see such
mal-practices put to rest in the hope of arresting the current political decay
and thereby renew voter confidence in the government machinery. 2.0 The Socio-economic concerns Our concern here is based on the constitution of
Malawi, which in chapter 3 and 4 commits the state to provide social services
to the people, and also on the Vision 20/20 which records the aspirations of
Malawians to be a self-reliant country with sustainable growth and development,
and attain a middle income status with per capita income of USD1,000, with all
people having access to social services, and also have a vibrant cultural and
religious values, by the year 2020. Our major concern is that the social condition and
security of Malawians is far from satisfactory. The reasons for this include
the fact that government programs, many of which are donor funded, do not meet
the income, food security, health, and education and security needs of
Malawians. The reasons for failure of these programs are many and they will be
elaborated on. 2.1.0 Social conditions and security in Malawi The
social, economic and security conditions of Malawians can be described by
health status indicators, literacy levels, and income and food security
situation, and physical security of persons and property. These can be
described summarily as follows: 2.1.1. Health National health and demographic data is 8 years old.
But localized studies show that the incidence of disease is very high, as can
be evidenced by health care facility reports. Malaria, Malnutrition, upper
respiratory infections, and in some areas of Malawi bilharzia, are the most
prevalent diseases. Various indicators
of malnutrition among the under-five year’s age group show that as many as 60%
of the children are malnourished. Infant mortality rate is 124/1000, and
maternal mortality rate is 620/100,000. HIV/AIDS has raised its own spectre and
continues to create social and economic problems in the country, the most
important of which are orphans and depletion of the young work force. Life
expectancy is at 36, down from 42 in 1994. 2.1.2. Education Literacy rates are 40% for women and 71.7% for men.
Although primary school enrolment has increased in the last 6 years to about
78% (reported by the Integrated Household Survey) due to the introduction of
free primary education many school age children are still out of school due to
a number of reasons, the shorthand for which is poverty or inadequate public
and household resources. A minority of those enrolled drop out before they are
functionally literate. We do appreciate that access to secondary, tertiary
and technical education has been increasing but the numbers are still low and
the quality is yet to be assured through proper government regulation. 2.1.3 Poverty and food insecurity Poverty can be measured by income per capita. This
figure is USD230, but this masks serious income distribution inequalities which
are at a gini coefficient of 0.62, (i.e. the gap between the rich and the poor
is very high) one of the highest in the region. Another way to measure poverty
is by the proportion of people who have less income than required to buy basic
needs. For Malawi this is K915 and
about 50% of the people are below this line. Poverty can also be measured by
the quality of life indices (Human Development Index). The HDI for Malawi is
0.320 compared to an average of 0.380 for the sub-Saharan region, and 0.576 for
other developing countries. However for the majority of Malawians poverty still
represents inability to afford basics of life such as salt, soap, energy
(paraffin), food , shelter and clothing. Currently a lot of Malawians are
struggling to get these basics of life. Yet another way of looking at the poverty issues is
to ask which households are poor. Studies show that they are concentrated in
the Southern Region. They tend to have
little land, they are net buyers
of maize; use fewer agricultural inputs and lack assets, they do not grow cash
crops or grow them in small quantities; they get a higher share of their
incomes from off-farm employment; have less education and higher dependency
ratios; and are likely to be headed by women. The national per capita calories available has not
changed much in the last ten years except in years of extreme drought. But
there are significant spatial
variations as well as glaring household inequalities in access to food. It is
estimated that as many as 50% of the households in Malawi are food insecure.
The penultimate cause of food insecurity is poverty: inadequate household
income or purchasing power, the lack of resources, which includes access to
arable land, other forms of employment, lack of knowledge or education,
technology, access to preventive and curative health care. 2.1.3. Disparities with disadvantaged groups The issues pertaining to gender inequalities in
educational attainment, access to jobs
and resources like land credit facilities are well known. These persist despite
efforts by donors and government to
address them. Some social groups like the disabled have not received
adequate resources say for special education. When leaders of civil society and public officials
met at Kwacha International Conference Centre in February 1996 to consider the
major issues and themes for Vision 20/20, they were led
through a study process to construct and reflect on alternative scenarios for
Malawi’s future. These were identified as (1) Mkaka ndi Uchi, (2) Vala zilimbe,
(3) Ukaipa dziwa Nyimbo and (4) Wafa wafa. Each scenario was based on some
configuration of assumptions about the economy, and political governance, and
cultural values. The vision aims at achieving scenario (1) by 2020. The situation
in Malawi may be slowly converging to the last scenario and needs to be
arrested before things get worse. The
wafa wafa scenario was described as follows: It is based on the assumption of bad governance and
uncompetitive economic structure. The government does not enforce rule of law.
It is not transparent and accountable. There is rampant violation of human
rights. The economy deteriorates; there is rising unemployment, rising
inflation, rampant crime, falling incomes. The people are disillusioned. There is growing apathy and
laxity at work resulting in declining productivity. Firms no longer make
profits and therefore resort to retrenchment. This contributes to rising
unemployment and increased poverty and hence increased social insecurity, which
leads to a breakdown in cultural values. There is increased prostitution,
greed, selfishness rape and armed robberies. Because of the deterioration of
the economy the government is forced to
borrow from the donor community and is
subjected to conditionality. This leads to more and more donor control leading
to continued lack of Self-reliance, and indeed total loss of control of the
economic situation by the government and the populace. (p. 29-30 of Workshop
Report). We call upon the government to look around and see
whether we are not in wafa wafa scenario. And if yes, what is the Government
doing about it? 2.2.0. Factors contributing to the conditions
described above The slow development of sturdy political and
economic governance institutions and the erosion of important social
mores can be explained by many factors which include the nature of the
educational system, and the lack of public morality and values for
encouraging the development of these institutions. Most senior public officials
do not really consider themselves stewards of public resources. 2.2.1 Weak institutions for effective delivery of
social services A pre-requisite for any social and economic progress
is the existence or development of strong and functional institutions. In our
context this includes strong economic
and social governance institutions to oversee the ethical conduct of the
private sector and to protect the rights of producers and consumers, and to
enforce law. 2.2.2. Absence of statutes on social security Although the constitution states that the government
will provide social services there are no social security statutes. There are
policies concerning various population groups. However after some threshold
such policies could lead to disparities in the various sectors of the economy
because of exclusionist tendencies. It can be argued that Malawi cannot afford
to guarantee social security to all people, However the government is mandated
by the constitution to uplift the
living standards of rural people. 2.2.3. Ineffective social expenditures Government budgets are ineffective in solving the
problems of the poor because the expenditures do not reach them. Much of the
resources are used by middle management in planning activities which include
well funded seminars, study tours, and purchase of vehicles, which are not
effectively used to deliver services to the people. This is related to lack of
accountability and transparency. The major issues in provision of social
services are those of access, quality, relevance of services to people’s
economic opportunities (say in case of education); and social activities.
Access is the more relevant criterion because availability does not guarantee
access. Long distances, lack of fees and poor quality could prevent people
from accessing services. In primary
education fees have been abolished but pupils in some areas still have to walk
long distances, and irrelevance of the service in terms of their economic
realities and calendar of activities. In case of girls, they are excluded
because of social values. 2.2.4. Inadequate macro-economic management The rate of inflation is high and imposes a severe
burden on the poor. Inflation averaged 9.5% between 1971 and 1980, and
increased to an average of 12.5% between 1981 and 1986. The trend continued to
20% between 1987 and 1992, and 36% between 1993 and 1998. The causes of high
inflation cannot be fully disclosed here but they include lack of aggregate
fiscal discipline, and sometimes not so helpful behaviours of donors. For example
during the presentation of the current budget the government had committed itself to reduce inflation
to 21%. But due to failure to meet fiscal targets partly due to delays in
disbursement of donor funds, the
monetary targets were not met so that inflation was 28.3% in December, and
accelerated to 30.6% by February. In other words due to a combination of poor
budgeting and lax expenditure control, Malawians unjustly suffer from poor
program delivery, the negative monetary effects of government borrowing to
finance deficits, and the negative impact on economic growth (and hence job
creation) due to the crowding out of private sector investment. Malawi needs economic growth in order to reduce
poverty in the long run. A growth rate of 6% is needed just to keep the country
from slipping in terms of per capita income levels. This means finding a niche
in the globalizing world economy. The non-diversified economy, which relies on
agriculture, and particularly tobacco, portends gloom and doom. The efforts to
spur non-traditional agricultural exports are not yielding satisfactory
results. The ascendancy of the Washington consensus concerning market and
liberal approaches to management of economies does not seem to provide Malawi
with the capacity to engage strategically in the world economy. There is need
to accelerate investment in job creating industries. This can be accomplished
through guiding the market with supporting institutional arrangements. The operations and funding habits of the donors show
that encouraging economic growth is not their priority. There is a
proliferation of consultancy activities and many of them are not implementing
any programmes but just generating information that purports to support policy-making. The funding of
some programmes prejudices the achievement of long term goals. For example the
funds used for Starter Pack can be spent on small scale irrigation schemes that
have long term potential, i.e. strengthening institutional support mechanisms
for mechanized Small-scale irrigation. In the short term the policy advice of the IMF and
the World Bank have impacted the poor badly. The poor have suffered because
of marginalization of social services,
the inflationary impact of currency devaluation, and the way agricultural
marketing has led to uncertainty in food markets. Although agricultural
producer prices have been increasing, the majority of smallholder farmers fail
to respond to the incentives due to small land holdings and lack of access
to agricultural inputs. Privatization
and retrenchment of workers in the parastatal and civil service was done for
efficiency motives, but was not matched by adequate planning concerning the
welfare of those Retrenched 2.2.5. People’s growing dependence on safety nets The cultural values of self-reliance of the people
are being eroded by misplaced and opportunistic patronage of the poor through
not so well conceived safety net programmes. 2.3.0. The way forward 2.3.1. Actions by government with donors a.
The
description of the situations above indicates that programmes that aim to
increase availability and robustness of off-farm employment, encourage the growing of diversified high value crops
where farmers have land, and safety
nets that are well targeted are likely to reduce abject poverty. 2.3.2. Actions by civil society Increase civil awareness and participation in
planning and implementation of development programmes. This means teaching the
civil society what is required of the various arms of government by law and
constitution of Malawi. Basic issues of budgetary and financial management of
the economy can be transmitted to civil leaders so that they can have the
knowledge to influence decision-making. Donors have given much funding to civic
education on issues on environment a) and
population, and recently governance. There is need to broaden this approach to
issues concerning provision of social services and fiscal and macroeconomic
management. b) Civil
Society should form functional platforms for action and involvement in
government programme planning and implementation. They should not wait to be invited or taken on
board by government. There are many examples in these areas. In the social
sector the role of civil society has been to act through NGOs that provide
parallel services. This is not bad as it increases access to services. But
there are many situations where if the civil society was involved in
continuously monitoring service delivery some of the problems could be reduced.
Areas of possible intervention are hospitals. 2.3.3. Actions by government a.
As
illustrated by the Vision 20/20 Wafa wafa scenario, matters of political and
economic governance, and values are very important in determining the social conditions of the people. There is need
to strengthen probity and accountability in the civil service, and the various
arms of government through establishing clear and transparent guidelines for
all activities, and punishing openly and promptly those who do not follow them. b.
The
government should desist from programmes that have short-term benefits,
and increase the dependence of people
on government, in favour of durable solutions. This includes long-term plans
for the diversification of the economy into say tourism and manufacturing. c.
Gender
mainstreaming in the planning and implementation of all government activities.
There is express need for gender analysis of government expenditures and fiscal
policies. The common wealth funding for programmes for disadvantaged groups. 2.3.4. Actions by donors There is need for donors to change their funding
practices in the following areas:
Signed Rt Rev Dr FL Chingota Rev YA Chienda Moderator CCAP General Synod Senior Clerk CCAP General Synod Rev TN Maseya Rev D Gunya Moderator CCAP
Blantyre Synod General Secretary CCAP Blantyre Synod Rev HK Mvula
Rev HM Nkhoma Moderator CCAP Livingstonia Synod General Secretary CCAP Livingstonia Synod Very Rev CL Chimkoka Rev AA Sasu Moderator CCAP Nkhoma Synod General
Secretary CCAP Nkhoma Synod |